If principles matter, so does McCain
THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW
March 4, 2008
If principles matter, so does McCain
By Mark Hillman
It's not about John McCain.
Nor is it not about Rush Limbaugh or Laura Ingraham or
James Dobson, although their views harmonize more closely
with my own and those of most conservatives than do
McCain's.
This election isn't about party or personalities, but
about principles that will guide our country for the
next four years or more.
Will our nation trend in a direction that is generally
conservative or one that reverses modest gains of the
past 28 years and lurches toward cradle-to-grave
paternalism?
That's why, despite several disagreements, John McCain
gets my support against whomever the Democrats nominate.
It's also why principled conservatives should check
their McCain disdain at the ballot box.
Recently, some conservatives behave as if they have
nothing to lose if McCain loses. But a McCain loss
equals a Barack Obama win, and we have plenty lose
from that.
Conservatives remain unified on three key policy objectives:
pro-growth tax policy and no-nonsense budgeting, judges
who respect the constitution, and a resolve to defeat
Islamic terrorists.
On these key issues the choice between McCain and Obama
cannot be dismissed as the lesser of two evils. The choice
is clear and the stakes are enormous.
McCain is one of just five Senators who flatly reject
pork-barrel budget earmarks. He has vowed to veto any
spending bill containing earmarks and has already in-
curred the wrath of several pork-loving Republicans.
That's a welcome change from the you-scratch-my-back,
I'll-scratch-yours spending of the last eight years.
By contrast, Obama has promised programs calculated to
grow the already bloated budget by $900 billion.
Despite his vote against the Bush tax cuts, McCain has
vowed to fight to preserve them. Obama conveniently
forgets that middle class families benefited most from
the Bush tax cuts and instead demagogues against "tax
cuts for the rich." However, he can't pay for his big
government utopia without squeezing the working class
hard.
As a Vietnam veteran, McCain understands the lasting
consequences of an ignominious defeat. America's stature
was badly damaged for years after Vietnam. We now see
that McCain's prescription for Iraq after Saddam was right,
and the Bush-Rumsfeld strategy was wrong.
Had Obama's policy of surrender and retreat carried the
day, the now-vindicated surge would be merely another
paper gathering dust on a shelf, Iraq would remained mired
in bloody sectarian attacks, and Iran would be emboldened
to direct its terrorist accomplices toward Afghanistan.
Perhaps the most critical, principled reason to support
McCain is the Supreme Court. Judging by their appointments'
adherence to the text of the constitution, Republican
presidents have had mixed success in rolling back judicial
activism.
However, two things are indisputable: the constructionist
justices on today's court were all appointed by Republicans,
and the Democrat appointments are all undeniably liberal
activists.
John Paul Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the two justices
most likely to retire soon, are both activists who re-write
the constitution in contravention of the plain text.
Replacing either or both with another John Roberts, Antonin
Scalia or Clarence Thomas — each of whom McCain supported —
could at last restore the court's historic role as a
defender of broad individual liberty and a restraint against
over-reaching government.
If Obama makes the next appointment, we can be certain he
will fortify the court's activist wing. Should a con-
structionist justice retire or die, Obama could swiftly
reverse the gains of the last 28 years.
Finally, the candidates' views on the sanctity of human
life provide another stark contrast that conservatives
dare not forget. McCain has consistently voted to restrict
abortion, parting with pro-lifers only on stem cell research.
Obama not only supports abortion on demand but callously
voted to deny medical care to infants born during un-
successful abortions.
Some conservatives argue that a Democrat victory would
galvanize Republicans for 2010 and produce a public back-
lash, a la 1994. That's a tremendous gamble.
Democrats controlled Congress for 40 years from 1955 to
1995. In the Senate, Democrats ruled for 34 of those years.
Here in Colorado, perhaps more than anywhere else, Re-
publicans should realize how quickly political fortunes
can change and how hard it is to reverse that tide.
Conservatives generally recognize short-sighted self-
indulgence when practiced by others. Now many conservatives
are in danger of practicing a suicidal self-indulgence of
their own.
We must put aside self-pity and frustration and do what
we always have done: choose the right and responsible
course for our country.
If instead we purposefully withhold our votes to gratify
our personal pride and prejudice, the surrendered freedoms,
suffocating tax burdens, and national insecurity that
result will be as much our responsibility as that of those
we "helped" to elect.
